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Madison's Notes On The Federal
Convention
The
delegates from the American colonies who met in Philadelphia during the
unusually hot summer of 1787 were sent with the sole and specific authority of
their respective colonial legislatures to 'make better' the existing
Articles of Confederation.
They did nothing of the sort.
With George Washington presiding, they
barred the doors, shuttered the windows and took a solemn oath amongst
themselves that nothing in print or writing of what transpired during the entire
convention would ever be released until the last participant had died, whereupon
they proceeded to create an entirely new form of government, spending not a
minute on the original Articles.
As providence would have it, the last
delegate to die was James Madison who passed on in 1835. As secretary of the
convention, Madison had taken minute-to-minute notes in his own hand, as best he
could, of everything that was said during the entire convention. Today we would
call this "shorthand.' After his death, his wife Dolly sold his notes, then
known as 'Madison's Notes On the Federal Convention' to the government of
France, and to the U.S. Congress, for a pension.
Although not taught in the public schools
and therefore little known to most Americans who have lived since this historic
meeting, now known as the Constitutional Convention, Madison's Notes show
without doubt or debate the exact intent of the delegates in crafting what was
to become the Supreme Law of the United States.
Throughout the entire summer, each concept,
each phrase, even each word was debated, often heatedly, sometimes near to the
point of fisticuffs! At one point, Benjamin Franklin, the convention's greatly
venerated senior statesman, rose to say a prayer that God guide the convention
and things calmed down after that.
Remembering that 'the intent of the law is
the force of the law', and with the foregoing facts in mind, we turn to the
question of whether or not the convention ever intended that the Congress be
granted the power to make laws permitting the printing of paper money, called in
the parlance of the day, 'to emit bills of credit.'
Bear in mind that the Continental Dollar
had recently crashed, causing misery all around, and our nation's Founders were
not willing to allow this sort of 'mischief' to recur. As we will see from this
small segment of Mr. Madison's notes, the nation's first lawmakers denied the
power to print paper money to the Congress, voting to strike out the three words
'and emit bills.'
All bold emphasis in the following is our
own.
~~~
Thursday
August 16, 1787
In Convention of the Whole
Mr. Govr Morris moved to strike out "and emit bills on the credit of the U.
States" -- If the United States had credit such bills would be unnecessary: if
they had not unjust & useless.
Mr Butler, 2ds. the motion.
Mr. Madison, will it not be sufficient to prohibit the making them a tender?
This will remove the temptation to emit them with unjust views. And promissory
notes in that shape may in some emergencies be best.
Mr. Govr. Morris. striking out the words will leave room still for notes of a
responsible minister which will do all the good without the mischief. The
Monied interest will oppose the plan of Government, if paper emissions be not
prohibited.
Mr. Ghorum was for striking out, without inserting any prohibition. if the words
stand they may suggest and lead to the measure.
Col Mason had doubts on the subject. Congs. he thought would not have the power
unless it were expressed. Though he had a mortal hatred to paper money,
yet as he could not foresee all emergences, he was unwilling to tie the hands of
the Legislature. He observed that the late war could not have been carried on,
had such a prohibition existed.
Mr Ghorum-- The power as far as it will be necessary or safe, is involved in
that of borrowing.
Mr Mercer was a friend to paper money, though in the present state & temper of
America, he should neither propose nor approve of such a measure. He was
consequently opposed to a prohibition of it altogether. It will stamp suspicion
on the Government to deny it a discretion on this point. It was impolitic also
to excite the opposition of all those who were friends to paper money. The
people of property would be sure to be on the side of the plan, and it was
impolitic to purchase their further attachment with the loss of the opposite
class of Citizens
Mr. Elseworth thought this a favorable moment to shut and bar the door
against paper money. The mischiefs of the various experiments which had been
made, were now fresh in the public mind and had excited the disgust of all the
respectable part of America. By withholding the power from the new Governt.
more friends of influence would be gained to it than by almost any thing else -
Paper money can in no case be necessary - Give the Government credit, and other
resources will offer- The power may do harm, never good.
Mr. Randolph, nothwithstanding his antipathy to paper money, could not agree to
strike out the words, as he could not foresee all the occasions that might
arise.
Mr Wilson. It will have a most salutary influence on the credit of the U. States
to remove the possibility of paper money. This expedient can never succeed
whilst its mischiefs are remembered. And as long as it can be resorted to, it
will be a bar to other resources.
Mr. Butler. remarked that paper was a legal tender in no Country in Europe. He
was urgent for disarming the Government of such a power.
Mr Mason was still averse to tying the hands of the Legislature altogether . If
there was no example in Europe as just remarked it might be observed on the
other side, that there was none in which the Government was restrained on this
head.
Mr. Read, thought the words, if not struck out, would be as alarming as the
mark of the Beast in Revelations.
Mr. Langdon had rather reject the whole plan than retain the three words
"(and emit bills").
On the motion for striking out
N. H. ay- Mas. ay. Ct. ay. N-J. no. Pa. ay. Del. ay. Md. no. Va. ay.8 N. C- ay.
S. C. ay. Geo. ay. Ayes -- 9; noes -- 2.]
The clause for borrowing money, agreed to nem. con.
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